MIA : Early American Marxism : Young People’s Socialist League (1907-1946) organizational history
YOUNG PEOPLE’S SOCIALIST LEAGUE
ORGANIZATIONAL HISTORY The Young People’s Socialist League was the name of the youth section of the Socialist Party of America. The group emerged in New York City, the product of a group of Socialist activists who sought to counter the "false teachings" instilled in young people by the school system and to build social relationships of young socialists with one another and to instill them with discipline and training so as to help make them valuable and productive members of the adult socialist movement. Individual groups formed a "Young People’s Socialist Federation" (YPSF) in 1907. The next year the publishing association responsible for producing the New Yorker Volkszeitung began to issue The Little Socialist Magazine for Boys and Girls -- a publication which was renamed The Young Socialists’ Magazine in June 1911.
While the work of the YPSF was begun "with energy and enthusiasm," according to early organizer Louis Weitz, the situation quickly deteriorated, with falling levels of participation, financial difficulties, and a seeming inability or unwillingness of the national Socialist Party to take the task of youth organizing seriously.
A conclave of young socialist groups was held in June 1911 which approved a new constitution for the organization and elected new offiicers.
1911
JUNE
“Patriotism,” by Ralph Korngold [June 1911] This short essay, really a prose poem, by Socialist Party activist Ralph Korngold was published in the monthly magazine of the Young People’s Socialist Federation and Socialist Sunday Schools. “The capitalist class, by making the workers propertyless, has made them fatherlandsless. The workers have no country. This is no more your country than the shop you work in is your shop or the factory you work in is your factory. You are simply employed there, that is all.... I can imagine Morgan being patriotic, or Rockefeller, or Weyerhauser, but why a workingman, no matter to what country he belongs, should be patriotic is more than I can see.... Let Rockefeller and Morgan fight their own battles. The workingmen of the world have but one common enemy—the capitalist class of the world.”
SEPTEMBER
"The Young People’s Socialist Federation," by Louis Weitz [Sept. 1911] This short article from the monthly Young Socialists’ Magazine published by the New Yorker Volkszeitung was written by the director of the Young People’s Socialist Federation. It provides a brief outline of that organization’s history— short on specific detail but nevertheless providing important clues about the origins of the youth section of the Socialist Party of America which eventually emerged as the Young People’s Socialist League. The Young People’s Socialist Federation is said to have begun in New York City in 1907, apparently started in an effort to "erase the false teachings of both our public and private institutions of learning," to develop interrelationships between young socialists and instilling training and discipline among them, and thus preparing these youth for active and productive participation in the socialist movement in the future. Beginning with "high hopes and enthusiasm," this project seems to have become something of a debacle, with falling membership, financial difficulties, and a failure of the Socialist Party to treat the matter with sufficient seriousness. Nevertheless, a small core of activists persevered, and a reorganization was made at a June 1911 gathering of Young Socialist clubs, which adopted a new constitution and elected a new set of organizational officers. Little work had taken place in the slow summer months of 1911, Weitz confessed, but he held high hopes for renewed activity in the coming fall months.
1917
JUNE
“Letter to Rudolph Behomeck, Secretary Baltimore YPSL Circle, from William F. Kruse, National Secretary YPSL, in Chicago, circa June 15, 1917.” This letter from the head of the Socialist Party's youth section to the secretary of the group's Baltimore unit was saved for posterity by the Lusk Committee of the New York State Legislature, who seized a record of the communication in a raid and published it in their massive 1920 report. Kruse details the party's and his own views on the war and the country's new program of conscription, noting "we are opposed to war" and "do not want to kill our fellow workingmen." Not all is written in stone, Kruse acknowledges: "The one question then arises as to how we can best make our feeling known and enforce our principles. Some think it is by refusing absolutely to touch a gun and to rot in prison, or face a firing squad rather than to do so; others feel that while we should not willingly go into the armed force, still if we are drafted they feel that we should go and do our best to spread the light of education among the soldiers. However the case is decided, it must be decided upon the basis of the individual’s conscience."
“Letter to Rudolph Behomeck, Secretary Baltimore YPSL Circle, from William F. Kruse, National Secretary YPSL, in Chicago, circa June 15, 1917.” This letter from the head of the Socialist Party's youth section to the secretary of the group's Baltimore unit was saved for posterity by the Lusk Committee of the New York State Legislature, who seized a record of the communication in a raid and published it in their massive 1920 report. Kruse details the party's and his own views on the war and the country's new program of conscription, noting "we are opposed to war" and "do not want to kill our fellow workingmen." Not all is written in stone, Kruse acknowledges: "The one question then arises as to how we can best make our feeling known and enforce our principles. Some think it is by refusing absolutely to touch a gun and to rot in prison, or face a firing squad rather than to do so; others feel that while we should not willingly go into the armed force, still if we are drafted they feel that we should go and do our best to spread the light of education among the soldiers. However the case is decided, it must be decided upon the basis of the individual’s conscience."
1918
JUNE
SSS Organizes on National Scale,” by William Kruse [Sept. 1918] On July 27-28, 1918, a conclave was held in New York City bringing together representatives of the Socialist Sunday Schools movement from 6 Eastern cities and the National Office of the Socialist Party. The group made recommendations for the centralization of the SSS movement through the office of the SPA’s Young People’s Department in Chicago, suggested curriculum for each of three age groups, and elected a provisional National Executive Committee of 5 for the SSS movement, headed by Dr. Antoinette Konikow of Boston as Chairman and YPSL head William F. Kruse of Chicago as Secretary. The gathering also recommended the dropping of the counterproductive word “Sunday” from the SSS, suggesting instead the new name “Socialist Schools of Science” for the movement. This new name would be used in all future correspondence from the National Office, the conference indicated, and local organizations were advised to do likewise. “It is not at present the intention of making the SSS an iron-bound Party affair, but there must be some central point of contact between the various school organizations and it is but right that, as in the case of the YPSL, this point be the Young People’s Dept. of our Party,” this article stated.
1918
DECEMBER
1919
MARCH
“Yipsels and the Socialist Sedition Trial,”
by Harry L. Gannes [March 1919] New Editor in Chief of The Young Socialists’ Magazine continues the story of the "Trial of the 5 Chicago Socialists" (Berger, Germer, Engdahl, Kruse, and Tucker) begun in the previous issue of the magazine. The 18 year old Gannes provides a number of tidbits, fine detail, about the defense’s argument in the trial, cross-examination, final arguments in the case, instructions to the jury, and the verdict and the reaction of the assembled Socialists thereto. Despite failing to prove the substance of its case, Kruse indicates that the government was able to sell a specious conspiracy argument, resulting in a guilty verdict against all five defendants after only four hours of deliberation. Gannes depicts the trial as a "baptism of fire" for the relatively new national Young People’s Socialist League organization which it managed to withstand well, its witnesses performing ably without flinching or compromising.
MAY
“Constitution of the Young People’s Socialist League: Adopted by 1st National Convention—Chicago, May 1-4, 1919.” This seems to be the first formal constitution of the Young People’s Socialist League, the youth section of the Socialist Party of America. Inspired by the experience of European Socialist parties in the field of youth organization, Young People’s Socialist Leagues (under various names) began to spontaneously arise in the United States from about 1907. The movement was particularly strong in such cities as Los Angeles, New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, and Pittsburgh. It was not until mid-October 1913 that a Young People’s Department was established by the SPA National Office, with the YPSL national organization headed at first by a Secretary appointed by the National Committee of the SPA (J.A. Rogers, Jr.). Elections for National Secretary were held by referendum in 1915 (Bill Kruse), 1917 (Bill Kruse), and 1919 (Oliver Carlson). The first National Convention of the YPSL was held May 1-4, 1919, in Chicago—at which this constitution was approved. Adoption of the YPSL constitution marked a de facto leap towards organizational independence, as no mechanism for SPA control was included in the specified framework. The YPSL was to issue its own dues stamps and collect its own funds, handle its own finances, elect its own officers, issue (or revoke) its own charters, and conduct its own propaganda. The organization was to be open to young Socialists between the ages of 15 and 30 without regard to gender, race, or creed. Governance was to be by a relatively powerful National Secretary, elected to a 2 year term. The National Secretary was subject to the control of a National Committee which was to consist of 1 member for each state organization or unorganized state with at least 100 average paid members, plus an additional delegate for every 500 average paid members. Supreme authority was to be vested in a bi-annual convention; elections to be held by referendum. Dues were established at 5 cents a month per member to the National Office (plus whatever state or local dues might be collected); 2 cents a month per member for Junior YPSL, open to children ages 12-16.
AUGUST
“Aping Our Elders,” by Oliver Carlson [Aug. 1919] The newly-elected 3rd National Secretary of the Young People’s Socialist League here criticizes the tendency for the YPSL to mindlessly divide itself into “Right,” “Center,” “Left,” and “Communist” factions. He finds that the fissure in the Socialist Party, which was “at first about Tactics” had “passed entirely out of sight by this time, so that the issue now is one of ‘for or against the NEC.’” The real cause of the fight was lost, and it was unreasonable to expect young people, who had not studied socialism for any significant length of time, to make a decision on the matter. “What we must do is that which our League is organized for: To Train Ourselves in the Principles of International Socialism. We cannot hope to grasp the situation in a moment. We cannot become able fighters for the Cause in a day or week or month. Ours is not a creed or dogma which one can embrace at a moment’s notice. Ours is a complete philosophy which we must learn.” Carlson (later an important youth leader in the American Communist movement) concludes that “We must meet the new issues with a clear vision. We must take a stand for revolutionary socialism. But above all we must become free so that as an organization we can develop ourselves mentally to a level where we will not be followers, where we will not be led this way or that way, but as young men and women who UNDERSTAND Socialism we will decide for ourselves what our attitude is going to be.”
SEPTEMBER
“National Yipsel Head Under Charges.” (NY Call) [Sept. 27, 1919] Brief news snippet from the pages of the New York Call announcing that charges had been brought against Oliver Carlson, head of the Socialist Party’s youth section, by William Kruse, former head of the Young People’s Socialist League ("Yipsel"). “The charges are that he has not occupied his office, although regularly drawing his wages; that he has had his official mail directed to his home, and that he refused to occupy his seat at the national convention, but attended the convention of a party formed as a rival to the Socialist Party instead,” the article states. Kruse had been placed in interim charge of the YPSL organization. The article ironically notes that Bill Kruse had himself recently been “the leader of the “Left Wing” element in the national convention, but that he refused to bolt the party.”
OCTOBER
“Young Reds Break with Yellow SP,” by Maximilian Cohen [events of Oct. 12-13, 1919] On Oct. 12 and 13, 1919, a closely watched convention of the Young People’s Socialist League of New York was held. The gathering was attended by representatives of the 3 main radical parties: Alexander L. Trachtenberg for the Socialist Party of America, Fannie Jacobs for the Communist Labor Party, and Harry M. Winitsky (convention Day 1) and Bert Wolfe (Day 2) for the Communist Party of America. In addition, Bertha Mailly and David Berenberg were in attendance on behalf of the Socialist Party-linked Rand School of Social Science. The primary order of business for the gathering was to determine the organizational affiliation of the New York YPSL in the aftermath of the 1919 split of the SPA. The New York convention anticipated the eventual action of the national YPSL organization, ultimately deciding upon an official policy of “neutrality” and severing relations with the parent Socialist Party. A new State Board of Control was elected, including 4 supporters of the CPA, 1 supporter of the CLP, and 2 supporters of the SPA. All references to the Socialist Party were deleted from the organization’s constitution. The New York YPSL convention also adopted a resolution repudiating the Berne International and declaring itself “an integral part of the International Communist movement.”
1937
Left Wing Carries YPSL Convention: Huge Majority Prevails as Gerrymander Flops, by Hal Draper [events of Sept. 2-5, 1937] Account of the 9th National Convention of the Young People's Socialist League, youth section of the Socialist Party, which became“ the first organization of the Second International to go over to the banner of the Fourth Internationalist movement.” Draper, a partisan of the Trotskyist majority and the newly elected National Secretary of the YPSL organization, depicts the convention as a battle between 4th Internationalists and partisans of the Clarity faction, who Draper characterizes as“ centrists” and“ maneuverers.” Draper states that the outgoing National Committee postponed the scheduled start of the Philadelphia convention from September 2 and through“ every shady device long known to every labor faker” attempted to stack the convention in favor of its adherents. These tactics were said to include falsifiication of dues records, sale of dues stamps to validate a phantom membership, expulsion of members for the alleged party crime of sale of the Trotskyist Socialist Appeal, and irregularities in delegate apportionment. Still unable to capture the convention, the Clarity Regulars walked out of the convention and reassembled elsewhere, Draper states. Ernest Erber was reelected National Chairman by the convention and a slate of Trotsky supporters elected to constitute the National Executive Committee. A 7 member“ National Buro” was also constituted and national headquarters established in New York City.
Crushing Left Wing Majority at YPSL Convention Make Impossible Alibi Attempt of Socialist Call. (Socialist Appeal) [events of Sept. 2-5, 1937] Unsigned Trotskyist account of the battle between the Appeal (Trotskyist) and Clarity (left social democratic) factions at the 9th National Convention of the Young People's Socialist League in Philadelphia. The author polemizes against an account by Clarity-supporter Al Hamilton published in the Socialist Call. Whereas Hamilton is said to have claimed that only 40 delegates had remained at the convention after a Clarity walkout, the author asserts the“ actual count” was 148 remaining, of whom 104 were regular delegates. By way of contrast, there had been just 92 delegates aligned with the Clarity faction, of whom 53 were from the state of New York, with only 1 from west of the Mississippi, the author indicates.