Rebolusyonaryong Partido ng Manggagawa–Pilipinas
Program of the Rebolusyonaryong Partido ng Manggagawa–Philippines​​
1998
Written by: First Congress of the Rebolusyonaryong Partido ng Manggagawa–Philippines;
Published: LINKS, no. 13, September–December 1999;
Source: Archived by Hartford Web Publishing;
Markup: Simoun Magsalin;
[Editorial note:]
The Rebolusyonaryong Partido ng Manggagawa-Philippines
(RPM-P)–the Revolutionary Workers'
Party-Philippines–is one of the organisations emerging from
splits in the Maoist Communist Party of the Philippines in 1993–4. It
was based primarily on cadres in Visayas and Mindanao. The RPM-P held
its first congress on May 1-10, 1998, approving a new party
constitution and other documents. Reprinted here is an English
translation of the RPM-P's program.
CONTENTS
- Basic features of Philippine society
- The class struggle of the working class as the only basis for the revolutionary transformation of Philippine society
- Socialism is the alternative
- The need to sieze state power
- The nature of the present situation and the most urgent political tasks and immediate aim in advancing the working class movement
- The aim of the party to support allies of the working class movement in the struggle against neo-imperialism and its local cohorts and the struggle that must be waged against those who attempt to waylay the direction of the working class struggle
- Practical conduct and specific demands
I. Basic features of Philippine society
Uneven capitalist development
under foreign monopoly capital control
Developments in the world capitalist system have brought about an
uneven capitalist development in this country. The most advanced
capitalist forms coexist with pre-capitalist and other earlier forms,
with the latter subordinated to the former.
Historical impingement of imperialist interests on the country and the
continued domination of big foreign monopoly capitalists have
subordinated the local economy to the interests of monopoly
capitalists. The extraction of foreign monopoly super-profits from the
country and the subservience of the local ruling class to these
foreign interests have resulted in the slow and highly maldeveloped
state of capitalism in the country.
Developed, but different from the particular conditions of a backward
colonial and/or semi-colonial country, Philippine society is basically
a capitalist country. Capitalism already dominates and permeates the
whole social life of Philippine society. Remnants of old relations of
production, which include even some earlier Asiatic forms among the
Moro and Lumad peoples, are secondary and only serve to facilitate the
basic interest of capital to extract profit.
This process of maldevelopment is being worsened by the
neo-imperialist onslaught or globalisation promoted by the
country's bourgeois government policies. Under the dictates of the
World Bank and IMF structural adjustment program and its commitments
in the GATT-WTO-APEC agreements, the government ensures the
implementation of globalisation through the Philippines 2000
government program.
Globalisation is nothing but the specific feature of imperialism as it
grapples with the present crisis of the world capitalist system. The
crisis inevitably develops from the contradiction between the
socialised production and capitalist ownership of the means of
production. The continued accumulation and higher concentration of
social wealth in the hands of a smaller number of big monopoly
capitalists corresponds with the deterioration of the standard of
living of millions of working masses brought about by the intensified
exploitation of monopoly capital.
It seeks to solve this crisis of the system by breaking through the
barriers of nation states of less developed countries protecting them
from the harsh competition and exploitation of big foreign monopoly
capital. This takes the form of trade liberalisation, privatisation of
lucrative fields of investment in social services and financial
deregulation.
-
Finance capital remains the biggest controlling interest of foreign
monopoly capital and maintains powerful control over the country's
economy. This control by big foreign finance capital interests is
tightened further by the liberalised banking and capital flow that
paved the way for the rapid increase of portfolio investments in the
country. Foreign debt, which is a major source of public spending,
also ties down the country to the dictates of the IMF-WB.
-
Intensified foreign competition, due to trade and investment
liberalisation pushed by the local bourgeois government, is resulting
in continuing bankruptcies of small local capital, which aggravates
the problem of the absence of heavy industries and a limited
manufacturing sector.
-
The latest technological advancements are more commercial and
tourist-oriented, and there is the corresponding rise of the new
bourgeois elite who act as adjuncts of big foreign monopoly capital in
siphoning off surplus through the marketing of foreign consumer
goods/services and financing.
-
Big foreign monopoly capitalist interests dominate the orientation
of agricultural production through their control of the market of the
country's main agricultural products, marketing of agricultural
inputs for local farming which is heavily dependent on these products
and the large-scale cash crops and agriculture-based raw material
production with high productivity.
-
These interests also control most of the existing enterprises in
the extractive industries through direct ownership or loans provided
to the government. These are continuously contributing to capitalistic
technological advancements in the rural areas and corresponding
changes in land ownership patterns and the rapid disintegration of
self-sufficient peasant economy of national minority peoples.
-
Capitalistic social transformation in agriculture has been mainly
junker-led. Large tracts of agricultural land continue to be
controlled by big landed families who gained from the penetration of
monopoly capitalist interests into agriculture by going into the
profitable endeavours of cash crops production and/or trading and
other agri-business. This can be seen in the large-scale although
technologically backward agricultural production of export crops of
sugar and coconut, in other commercial vegetable production and in the
monopolistic trading and marketing of rice grains and selling of
agricultural inputs.
The government's Philippines 2000 program promotes the recent
trend among junker capitalists for land conversion through setting up
agro-industrial centres that encourage the entry of foreign
investment. This favours their interest to get the highest returns
from their land through real estate, tourist and industrial use of
their large tracts of land.
The bias of the government towards big landowners notwithstanding, its
land reform programs have also made possible the continuous control of
large rice farms by big landowners.
-
A small number of small capitalist entrepreneur farmers have
thrived in the production and trading of rice, fruit and vegetable
crops for the local market and in contract growing for big foreign
corporations of corn, bananas and pineapples. A few land reform
beneficiaries were able to accumulate enough capital to sustain and
expand their entrepreneurial interests by hiring labour, earning
profit from local trading of agricultural produce and engaging in
usury to poor farmers.
-
The erosion of the feudal self-sufficient economy has developed to
the extent of the disappearance of small-scale self-sufficient peasant
production as a viable means of subsistence. There are widespread and
continuous bankruptcies of small-scale peasants.
Small tiller-producers could not cope with the cost of production
necessary to ensure productivity, often becoming bankrupt victims of
usurers/creditors. Even most land reform beneficiaries ultimately
relinquish their rights over their land due to their incapacity to
sustain production in the setting of highly commercialised crop
production. This is further aggravated by government deregulation,
which drastically reduced government support for migration facilities
and cheap inputs and opened the local market to cheaper imported
agriculture produce.
-
Although communal production for food self-sufficiency still exists
among tribal and Moro peoples, this has been subordinated to the
capitalist orientation of production for the market, which takes the
form of the shifting of a bigger portion of their farming toward
producing for cash or for the market. Intensified capitalist
exploitation and oppression of the Filipino working class and the
proletarianisation of the peasantry
Uneven capitalist maldevelopment has made the problems of poverty,
unemployment and inflation chronic in the country. Globalisation is
further intensifying exploitation, worsening unemployment and pushing
the pauperisation of millions of labouring masses. The worst situation
is in the underdeveloped countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America,
such as the Philippines, and extends to the second world of Europe
without sparing the masses of workers in the countries of the First
World.
Millions of wage and low salary earners are at the mercy of capital
with their labour-power being pegged to the lowest as the supply of
labour continues to balloon from the continuing displacement of
workers in agriculture and from business bankruptcies while
opportunities for employment contract. The standard of living
continues to worsen with the working masses wallowing in misery and
poverty in contrast to the social wealth and technological progress
developed by capitalist society.
-
The thrust of the government to develop the country's
international competitiveness through labour-only contracting has
meant loss of jobs, lower wages, absence of security of tenure,
absence of social benefits and, as capitalists take advantage of this
state policy, a rise in the underemployment rate (from 8.7% in 1995 to
10.9% in 1996).
-
Thousands of workers have been laid off, many without separation
pay. Most of them were employed by the numerous manufacturing and
commercial establishments that went bankrupt and/or were forced to
reduce production by the impact of globalisation. (Statisticians have
placed the number of laid-off workers in the first quarter of this
year at 40,000, already way beyond 50% of the 65,000 laid off for the
whole year of 1995.)
-
The majority of the employed are in the service sector, with low
salaries and wages. Many of them do not have security of tenure and
social benefits. They are in the transportation, food and hotel
establishments, communication, health and education sectors.
-
The rapid disintegration of the peasantry has resulted in the
proletarianisation of the majority of this class. The new class of
landless rural poor who either cannot get land to cultivate (by
ownership, tenancy or occupation) or whose small piece of land cannot
produce enough for their needs, and cannot get any regular work as
farm hands comprise the great majority of the rural population. Their
means of surviving takes the form of combining off-farm and on-farm
work whenever and wherever they can sell their labour power at a
declining wage for more work.
Although there has been a continuous decrease in employment in
agriculture, there has been no corresponding increase of employment in
the other sectors, such as manufacturing and services. Instead, there
is a noted increase in the number of families whose income comes from
other areas outside of agriculture, fishing, services, manufacturing
or industry.
Migration from the rural areas to the urban centres has been
increasing for decades in the search by the pauperised tillers for odd
jobs in the urban centres to survive. They continue to swell the
number of the semi-proletarian urban poor.
The phenomenon of the rise in the number and contribution of overseas
workers as the country's number one dollar-earner has emerged due
to the extreme problem of unemployment. Most of these migrant workers
are laid-off workers, bankrupt farmers from the rural areas and even
low-salaried professionals who manage to borrow or raise the amount
necessary to pay for any available overseas employment. They are hired
by capitalists of other countries chiefly because their labour power
is much cheaper and, most of the time, without entitlement to social
benefits.
II. The class struggle of the working class as the only basis for the
revolutionary transformation of Philippine society
Only the conscious and organised action of the working class can
change the exploitative and oppressive rule of foreign monopoly
capital and adjunct local capitalists, including the junker
capitalists, and bring about their liberation from the rule of
capital.
This social revolution by the masses of the proletariat and
semi-proletariat will seek to change capitalist ownership of the means
of production and the orientation of production towards establishing a
socialist society that will bring about genuine social progress and
justice and give dignity to mankind.
III. Socialism is the alternative
The revolutionary struggle in the country will seek to establish
socialised utilisation of all wealth created in society. Together with
this, production will be geared towards the rational use of all
natural and existing resources for the total welfare of the labouring
masses and the well-being of future generations of mankind.
Given the condition that international monopoly capital has powerful
control over and dictates to the local state and economy, the unified
action of the working class worldwide both in the advanced and
dominated countries, such as the Philippines, is absolutely necessary
to ensure the victory of socialism.
The socialist revolution in this country will have to be a part of the
world proletarian revolution towards socialism. The particular
conditions and aims of struggle of other countries will be respected
as the basis for the effective advance of the working class movement
in each country. On this basis, the solidarity of all the masses of
the working class in the whole world will be strengthened.
At the same time, this should avoid the experience of the anti-worker
nature of bureaucratic states of the failed models of socialist
countries. Workers' democracy will be promoted as the real basis
for a socialist society to develop fully.
IV. The need to seize state power
The struggle against capitalism and the building of socialism can only
succeed by overthrowing capitalist rule and dismantling the bourgeois
state power as the principal instrument of the bourgeoisie in
maintaining the capitalist order.
This political struggle of the proletariat must be led and organised
by its vanguard detachment and political party. Armed with the
revolutionary theory on advancing the class struggle of the working
class, the vanguard detachment will define the direction and line of
march of the working class movement against bourgeois rule and against
all efforts to disarm, corrupt and waylay the working class movement.
V. The nature of the present situation and the most urgent political
tasks and immediate aim in advancing the working class movement
The chief hindrance/problem for the advance of the working class
movement lies in the contradiction between the maturity of the
material conditions for a socialist revolution and the immaturity or
unpreparedness of the proletarian class to undertake direct
revolutionary action of seizing state power from the bourgeoisie.
Although capitalism breeds the seeds of the class struggle of the
proletariat and revolutionary change for socialism, the bourgeoisie
still maintain their strong rule in the country through the bourgeois
republic based on a constitutional democracy. This bourgeois
democratic government effectively institutes, promotes and defends the
interests of the big foreign monopoly capitalists and the local
bourgeoisie, including the junker landowners, while paying lip-service
to the real democratic interests of the broad labouring masses.
The bourgeois government officials together with the bourgeoisie in
the church hierarchy and the labour aristocrats (who compromise the
interests of the organised workers in unions and cooperatives in
exchange for favours from the capitalists) strongly influence the
masses of the working class. They deceptively present themselves as
their champions through the use of their resources and the semblance
of democracy in the bourgeois electoral process. They offer false
hopes of reforms and economic benefits that would improve the living
conditions for the labouring masses.
At the same time, the working class movement and its level of
organisation face problems and limitations that make the proletariat
unprepared for direct, open, mass and revolutionary action for the
immediate seizure of state power from the bourgeoisie and establishing
socialism:
-
The struggles of the broad masses of workers remain at the level of
day-to-day economic survival while the big bulk remain unorganised,
only 8 to 12 per cent of the better paid and relatively more secure
workers being organised in unions.
-
Particular limited technological advancements of Philippine
capitalism have produced a mass of destitute unemployed and
underemployed semi-proletarians in the urban and rural areas. At the
same time, the number of the relatively advanced industrial
proletariat who have generally a high sense of organisation and
discipline is small. The big bulk of the working class therefore have
a weak sense of organisation and are strongly driven by the individual
desire to survive and are entangled in the
war of survival of the
fittest
in the decaying capitalist system.
-
The leadership of the vanguard detachment of the working class has
been beset by problems of disunity over ideological and practical
questions of leading the working class movement. These have resulted
in the disorganisation of the working class struggle and the absence
of a strong unified party leadership over the revolutionary struggle
of the proletariat.
The direction of leading the struggle towards a national-democratic
revolution of the PPW [protracted people's war]-type is
dissipating the revolutionary energy of proletarian militants and
revolutionaries.
-
Thus, the historical circumstance by which the present
revolutionary forces were developed impose limitations that require
the redirection of efforts in order to have an effective reach and
lead the broad masses of the working class in the struggle against
capitalist exploitation and oppression:
First, the bulk of the membership of the revolutionary mass
organisations are composed of a few thousand rural semi-proletarians;
And second, the armed revolutionary contingents are not organic parts
of the mass movement and are way ahead of the general level of working
class struggle. Their effectiveness lies more in supporting the
working class movement and taking selective punitive actions against
its specific enemies.
-
Confusion and demoralisation within the socialist forces resulting
from the failures of the eastern bureaucratic states and the
unrelenting attacks by anti-socialist bourgeois forces have reinforced
the position of anti-Leninist petty-bourgeois deviations that sow
confusion and disunity within the Marxist-Leninist forces.
The peasant class is rapidly disintegrating and does not present a
solid class due to the high level of penetration of capital and
commodity production in agriculture. The material and class basis for
a bourgeois-democratic revolution of a peasant type therefore does not
exist.
The land reform promoted by the bourgeois government under the
capitalist system reinforces bourgeois property relations that are
small-scale and ineffective in the face of the dominance of foreign
monopoly capitalist interests in agricultural production.
The interest in land, of the masses of the landless rural poor who
comprise the rural proletariat and semi-proletariat, cannot but be
bound up with the need to change capitalist appropriation of the other
means of production and wealth that ensure land productivity.
However, the restiveness of the masses is building up in the face of
the worsening poverty and deteriorating living conditions that
intensified capitalist exploitation and oppression have brought about
under the effects of globalisation. Spontaneous participation of the
unorganised section of the masses in broad economic and political
issues directed against the government is increasing.
The experience of the broad masses in fighting and toppling the Marcos
fascist dictatorship has developed a level of vigilance that prods
spontaneous popular sentiment and action against threats of fascist
revival.
The historical struggle against the attempts of the colonialists and
their local cohorts to subjugate the Moro and the minority nationality
peoples in the interest of exploiting their natural and labour
resources has been brought to the higher level of armed struggle for
secession from the present bourgeois government. This is basically a
revolutionary struggle of the Moro people to assert their economic and
political rights as people against bourgeois rule and which has the
support of other anti-imperialist Islamic countries.
The neo-imperialist onslaught through globalisation on the local
economy has more than ever intensified capitalist exploitation and
oppression of the masses of proletarians and semi-proletarians in the
whole world. This is worsening the physical and moral degradation of
the masses of workers as the gains of worldwide working class struggle
for wages and benefits and the right to unionise are more boldly
violated. It brings to a higher degree the contradiction between the
bourgeoisie and the working class in the whole world that would
ultimately lead to the final confrontation and resolution of the
contradiction of the last class society. The immediate aim and the
principal tasks of the party around which agitation, propaganda and
organising should be directed
At present, when the conditions of a revolutionary situation do not
yet exist, specifically when the proletariat has a low level of
political consciousness and organisation, the anti-imperialist and
democratic struggle must be advanced as the transitional program that
characterises the specific approach towards the proletarian
revolution. By this, the masses of the proletariat will gain political
experience and be led towards the revolutionary position for the final
seizure of state power from the bourgeoisie and establishing
socialism.
This transitional program will serve to advance the following three
categories of direction of action:
First, the democratic demands that would serve as means to effect a
change in the power relations to the advantage of the working class
towards the direction of setting up socialist democracy and serving
the establishment of workers' power.
Second, the partial and immediate demands that will address the
well-being and better conditions of the masses of the proletariat to
safeguard their physical and moral conditions while at the same time
raising their level of class consciousness and organisation.
And the third category of action will be directed against the
foundations of capitalist property, power and privilege.
Around the task of advancing the transitional program, the party must
strive to achieve success in the following:
-
To organise the broader masses of proletarians and
semi-proletarians in the rural and urban areas of the country and
migrant workers, and develop more class-conscious proletarian elements
as socialist professionals and militants capable of leading the
broadest masses. This must be directed towards leading the struggles
of the class to improve their well-being against capitalist
exploitation and oppression and in conducting socialist education
among the labouring masses.
-
To use the bourgeois constitutional and electoral processes and
legislative bodies to educate and organise the labouring masses on the
need to stand for and assert their real economic and political
interests, as against those promoted by the bourgeois government and
labour aristocrats, and to weaken bourgeois rule. At the same lime,
this should serve to train and educate the working class on
governance.
-
To consolidate the armed revolutionary contingents developed from
the past anti-dictatorship revolutionary endeavours by maximising
their strength in supporting the general effort to advance the working
class movement and defend it from specific and direct attacks against
the interests of workers and revolutionary forces.
-
To advance and lead the youth and student revolutionary movement as
a motive force necessary for the rapid dissemination of socialist and
revolutionary propaganda and strong mass support for working class
struggles.
-
To strive to lead and advance the social movements for women's
liberation, protection of ecology and environment and protection of
children's rights as complementary struggles integral to advancing
the working class movement.
-
To strengthen proletarian leadership and consolidate the
revolutionary gains in the struggle of the Moro and other minority
nationalities for national self-determination.
-
To disseminate the lessons from the failures of Stalinism and the
bureaucratic states and the dogmatisation and vulgarisation of the
Maoist experience of people's war.
-
To strengthen the RPM in Marxist-Leninist traditions and new
lessons of the worldwide working class movement and against the
anarchistic petty-bourgeois influence and internal deviation of
discarding Leninist principles of building the party as the advanced
detachment of the working class.
-
To develop solidarity with the working class movement in other
countries towards the direction of advancing the revolutionary
struggle of the working class in the whole world for socialism.
VI. The aim of the party to support allies of the working class
movement in the struggle against neo-imperialism and its local cohorts
and the struggle that must be waged against those who attempt to
waylay the direction of the working class struggle
-
The secessionist armed struggle of the Moro people from the present
bourgeois government should be fully supported as a progressive
movement towards the social transformation of society towards more
socialistic relations in the economic, political and social system of
the Moro peoples.
-
The small per cent of rural petty bourgeoisie who emerged from the
ranks of the disintegrated peasantry can be won over in the struggle
against big foreign monopoly capital, the junker capitalists and the
bourgeois state on the basis of the threat of their proletarianisation
and their common interests with the working class on the effects of
intensified exploitation and oppression by global capital.
-
Struggles must be launched against the pernicious influence of
reformism promoted by the bourgeois constitutional democracy together
with the bourgeoisified section of labour.
VII. Practical conduct and specific demands
The anti-imperialist and democratic struggle will be advanced by
forwarding the three categories of direction of the democratic,
partial/immediate and direct demands of the transitional program
against the foundations of capitalist property, power and privilege.
Towards this end, the following specific struggles and demands will be
put forward for action by the working class movement:
-
Struggle for the right to a decent living and to have job security
and just compensation in the face of intensified attack by global
capital on the working class
-
Demand to safeguard workers against the abuse of individual
businesses/capitalists of using the Labour-Only Contracting law to lay
off and violate rights to form unions, security of tenure and social
benefits.
Bankruptcy declarations must be duly scrutinised by a tripartite body
of representatives of the workers, government and the business entity.
-
Demand an employment and social security scheme for the unemployed
in the rural and urban areas and the workers recently laid off due to
bankruptcies from the impact of deregulation and trade liberalisation,
in the industrial, manufacturing, commercial, services and
agricultural sectors.
Government funds allotted for discretionary spending that promotes
corruption and extravagant spending of public officials should be
scrapped and channelled to fund social security and basic services of
health, free education and housing.
-
Demand the institution of strict rules and a punishment system
against corrupt public servants in government labour agencies that
violate the laws and compromise workers/employees' interests in
favour of businessman/employer violators.
-
Demand a minimum wage that is based on the daily cost of living as
the only way of ensuring decent living conditions of workers in the
face of continuous inflation and currency fluctuations.
Rampant violations of the mandated minimum wage must be eliminated by
the institution of laws, strict monitoring schemes and a punishment
system.
-
Demand progressive tax exemptions for wage and low-salary earners
wherein the withholding and income tax will only be applicable on
earnings higher than the daily cost of living.
-
Protection from health hazards of work, especially in industries
that pose health hazards to workers/employees, must be ensured through
the institution of strict rules on implementation and compliance, with
corresponding punishments for violators of safety standards.
-
Demand and work for the economic and political rights of migrant
workers especially in their countries of work to ensure the protection
of their rights and welfare.
-
Struggle for the institution, broadening and defence of democratic
and human rights of the workers, landless rural poor, urban poor,
youth and students
-
Demand and work for the right of urban and rural wage and
low-salary earners and the unemployed to form unions and associations
together with their right to expression and assembly, which must be
duly instituted, respected and defended.
This political right must be fully developed as the means to wield the
strength of the workers and other labouring masses in fighting against
the violations and abuse of capitalists who take advantage of their
poverty and powerlessness to extract the maximum profit at the expense
of their well-being.
Efforts of employer junker and other capitalists to harass, buy off
and subvert these rights of the labouring masses must be fought
against and duly punished. Persons of authority and public officials
who use their positions and allow themselves to become instruments of
these violations must be exposed, made accountable and recalled.
-
Demand and work for the equal pay and maternity rights of women
workers and protection against sexual discrimination, harassment and
other violence against women.
Specific laws, a monitoring system and provisions for punishment of
violations should be defined and implemented.
-
Demand and work for the protection of children against child labour
and the violence against and exploitation of children.
-
Struggle and work for more academic freedom and education that is
readily available and affordable for the urban and landless rural
poor.
-
Struggle and work for the protection of the democratic rights of
the students to assembly, expression and belief.
-
Struggle for a more progressive and democratic structure in
agriculture
-
Struggle and work for the expropriation of backward sugar
plantations, remaining large tracts of rice land and other backward
large-scale crop plantations such as coconut, in favour of
agricultural unions, associations and cooperatives. This should serve
to provide employment and improve the living conditions of thousands
of displaced agricultural workers, landless rural poor and the rest of
the unemployed in these production areas.
Taxes, levies and social amelioration funds taken from the income in
these crop lines should be turned over to these unions, associations
and cooperatives for the transformation of these lands into more
productive undertakings.
-
Struggle and work for the rationalisation of agriculture, including
the fishing industry, to promote less expensive, environment-friendly
and sustainable production primarily geared for food security and for
ensuring cheap grains and other food supplies for the broad masses of
the working class.
Land conversions that only serve to intensify unemployment and worsen
poverty and lack of food should be resisted.
-
Demand for employment security, disturbance pay and decent housing
for the displaced agricultural workers and landless rural poor where
agricultural land has been converted for industrial/commercial use.
-
Monopolistic and dictatorial structures of merchant traders/cartels
that worsen inflation by dictating prices and manipulating food
supplies must be dismantled.
Cooperatives and/or alternative trading and marketing structures
should be set up by the workers and landless rural poor in the rural
areas as support structures in the struggle against usurers,
exorbitant prices and the lack of food supply.
-
Support and work for the Moro and other minority nationality rights
to self-determination against big bourgeois national and class
oppression.
-
Work for equal and just relations with other countries and
international solidarity with their workers and oppressed masses.
-
Write off foreign debts incurred during the Marcos dictatorship and
those which have not been of public use.
-
Abrogate all unequal agreements between this country and other
governments/international bodies.
-
Condemn and work against superpower aggression and violation of the
right of nations to self-determination.
-
Unite with the workers' movement in other countries and work
for joint endeavours in waging struggles against neo-imperialism.
-
Support other just struggles of oppressed peoples and nations
against the scourge of the world capitalist system that would serve to
hasten the downfall of bourgeois rule and the advance of socialism.