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From The Militant, Vol. VI No. 40, 26 August 1933, p. 4.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).
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(The article below represents the first installment in a discussion on the problems of the German situation after the victory of Fascism. Comrades are invited to state their views which will be printed as discussion articles. – Ed.) |
By the course of events in Germany, when culminated in the complete victory of fascism, the international proletarian movement finds itself face to face with an entirely new situation. In its objective essence it means a new historical stage; the inauguration of a new reactionary period with its serious implications not only for Germany but for the world as a whole. That it will be fraught with new attacks upon the workers, with prospects of imperialist wars moving much closer, with new serious dangers to the Soviet Union and also with new revolutionary possibilities, goes without saying.
In measuring the consequence of these events the International Left Opposition has some time ago made clear that for the new situation the orientation, the position and the formulae of the past will no longer suffice. We thereby placed ourselves entirely upon the basis of the new historical situation created by the victory of Fascism and the collapse of the German Communist Party. Where we had previously emphasized the immediately pressing problems for a change of course of the party and of the Comintern to prevent the Fascist victory, that is, where we had emphasized the short perspective we now place before ourselves the long perspective. Where we before, in pressing for a change of course, also held the position of reform of the party, we are now compelled to recognize its complete breakdown and to orient ourselves upon that basis. To this extent there was unanimity within the International Left Opposition. In this we also met with sympathy and considerable agreement from other working class groups stirred by the course of events. Some doubt, however, did naturally arise when the question was posed fully in the concrete: What must follow the breakdown of the party? Can there for us be any other course than that of a new party? To pose the question that way was such a radical departure from our former position of a party fraction fighting for reform of the party. But this was necessitated by the historical change which had taken place and, in the first instance, the doubts could only emerge wherever the full significance of this change was momentarily lost sight of. These doubts are disappearing and in their place we have a greater clarity.
In order that we here in America may better understand what is involved in this question of whether or not a new party in Germany we must endeavor to fully appreciate what the historical change means to the working class in general and to the German proletariat in particular. We have already mentioned that it means a new reactionary period. No further proof of that is needed than the tangible evidences of experience since German Fascism came into power. What needs particular emphasis, however, is the seriousness of the scope of the working class defeat. First the Social Democracy miserably exposed its bankruptcy followed by the bankruptcy of the Communist party. Both parties were numerically powerful yet they disappeared in face of the onslaught of the Fascist regime. Today there is no revolutionary party in Germany. This is the greatest defeat recorded in working class history. It is the culmination to a series of defeats suffered by the Comintern beginning with Germany of 1923, through the disaster of the Chinese revolution and back to Germany, in 1933. And yet all these defeats occur under the conditions of the downward spiral of capitalism, during the capitalist decay stage, during the very period of its bankruptcy being the most glaringly demonstrated. This is the frightful paradox. And because of that the responsibility for the policies and strategy which brought such disaster becomes only many times greater.
Of course, the Comintern leadership, the Stalinist leadership, must be held entirely responsible. Once again the importance of a working class revolutionary party has been demonstrated, but this time in a negative sense. Already from the time of the Communist Manifesto we knew that the emancipation of the working class was unthinkable without its own revolutionary party. It was the absence of such a party, or to put it more precisely, the failure of the Stalinist party to perform this function which accounts for the Fascists and not the proletariat being victorious. In seeking the reason for that, when traced to its source, the verdict will read: It is because we had in Germany a party of national Socialism instead of a party of international revolution. For proof of this, wherever doubts or disagreements still exists outside of our ranks, we need not confine ourselves to the inescapable conclusion that the theory of Socialism in One Country can produce nothing else but parties of national Socialism. We can add the advice to the comrades to study the numerous declarations of German party leaders on their program of national and social emancipation. This program is of course only a reflection of the basic party and Comintern orientation.
Today, after this frightful defeat, the German party leaders, speaking from emigration, and behind them the Comintern leaders, commit the double crime of stubbornly denying the historical character of the defeat and add to it the attempt of maintaining the dangerous illusions in the minds of the Communist workers that Hitler will soon get out of business.
But as Hitler remains and consolidates his power the disillusionment will inevitably set in. New and more frightful demoralization will result. The Communist workers will leave the Stalinist party leaders in disgust and despair. Today these gigantic experiences are fresh in the minds of the Communist workers and yet there is no discussion permitted by the party leadership. Inquiries into the correctness of the official line are taboo. Those who express doubts are hounded and expelled. From these facts it follows that what still exists in Germany of sporadic activities by the official party remnants is not at all the beginnings of an orientation based upon the new conditions but only the tail end of the past. After that follows the void, for there can be no other perspectives for a party leadership which denies the existence of the new historical conditions.
The facts being so, one can brand only as criminal light-mindedness the final conclusion of the Comintern resolution adopted after the German defeat; the resolution of April 1. This resolution finds that it is necessary to strengthen the party and all the mass organizations of the working class, ... “to prepare the masses for decisive battles. For the overthrow of capitalism and for the overthrow of the. Fascist dictatorship by an armed rising.”
In other words, the armed uprising is placed on the agenda in the midst of the greatest defeat yet suffered by working class. Upon what prognosis does it rest? First of all upon the Comintern alibi that the cause of what has happened in Germany is Social Democracy. Its part of the betrayal never needed to be doubted; but that does not in the least explain the Comintern and the official party responsibility, or its position. Secondly it rests upon the foundation of the Comintern affirming the infallibility of its characterization of “Social Fascism”, thus nullifying and giving the lie to any expressions for desire of a united, front with social democracy. Further it rests upon an estimation of the preceding governments of Papen and Schleicher having been Fascist governments the same as Hitler’s. Finally it rests upon the analysis, as presented in the resolution, that there was no revolutionary situation in Germany. Yet a complete historical change has taken place. But the change is not toward strengthening the possibilities of the proletarian revolution. On the contrary, the Fascist reaction is immensely strengthened, the German working class defeated, the Communist parties elsewhere declining, demoralized and impotent. In face of this the armed insurrection is placed on the agenda by the Comintern resolution. Criminal light-mindedness is about the mildest characterization one can find for this.
The International Left Opposition poses the problems facing the German working class, and the world movement, from the point of view of opposite considerations. To rebuild upon an entirely new foundation what lies shattered in Germany, its general working class movement and above all to rebuild the revolutionary party, that is the task. There can be no more talk about the old basis or the old formulae. The problem is to build anew. The Left Opposition proposes an orientation toward a new Party in Germany liberated from the deadly embrace of bankrupt Stalinism.
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