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From Labor Action, Vol. 13 No. 28, 11 July 1949, p. 3.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).
Much water has run under the bridges of martyrized Warsaw since the “unification of the workers movement,” that is, the fusion between the Stalinist party, the PPR, and the fake Socialist party, the PPS. The new party, the PZPR. (Polish United Workers Party) has 1,400,000 members, of which 930,000 belonged to the Stalinist PPR and only 470,000 to the fake PPS. From the point of view of social content 787,000 members are “industrial workers” (how many are authentic workers and how many are bureaucrats?), 240,000 peasants, 62,000 farm laborers, 28,000 artisans, 3,000 small shopkeepers, and 280,000 security employees.
Presuming that the majority of the “industrial workers” are bureaucrats, the social structure of the Stalinist party is typically “bureaucratic.” The privileged position of the Stalinist police, hangmen of the working class, is arrogantly provocative.
Zambrowski, member of the Politburo, states that the underground organisations are trying to exploit the discontent of the ex-members of the PPS and of the PPR who have been ousted or put on probation, and promises to counteract these efforts of the “reaction” with a “new offensive against the capitalist elements in the city and countryside.” The “socialist offensive” is, of course, directed in the first place against the proletariat, among whom the party cells, as in Russia, impose “work norms” in order to increase the exploitation of the workers on behalf of the ruling bureaucracy and Russian imperialism.
The famous “exportation of coal from Silesia” to Russia at a ridiculous price constitutes flagrant proof of Russia’s exploitation of Poland, the “chain of misery” which “unites” Poland to Stalin’s empire. The political trials before military tribunals with many death sentences represent the political expression of this “chain of misery.”
Having destroyed the peasant opposition and having “liquidated” the organized workers’ rebelliousness by imposing a single party, the regime is now directing its savage offensive against the schools, the remnants of independence in literature and culture, and the powerful Catholic Church. Although the Catholic clergy has had a pernicious and reactionary influence in Poland, now in opposition, persecuted and oppressed, it has become a symbol of national resistance against the Russian invader and of the rebellion against Stalinist totalitarianism.
The destruction of the Catholic Church in Poland is one of the main tasks and one of the fundamental aims of Stalin’s Russifying and pan-SIavic policy. While the peasant masses and middle class of Poland continue to be Catholics, Stalinist, imperialist and pan-Slavic Russia will never be able for digest a rebellious and Catholic Poland. Of course, the destruction of the Catholic clergy’s influence will some day have beneficial consequences for the future socialist government of Poland.
Within the Stalinist party itself, the tendency represented by Zawadzki, Jozwiak, and Bierut directs its fire against the “nationalist-rightist deviation,” its chief victim to date being Gomulka. Now there is some talk that the “economic dictator,” Mine, is in disfavor, although for the moment he continues as “vice-premier” of the government. In the anticipated reorganization of the cabinet there is talk about the retirement of Cyrankiewicz, who labored hard to complete his job of “fusing the PPS with the PPR.” His place will probably be taken by Zawadzki, an obscure figure trusted by the GPU.
In the Polish emigration the division deepens between the “Democratic Coalition” composed of the authentic Socialist Party, The PPS; and Mikolajczyk’s Populists, and the Right, represented by the remnants of the Pilsudski camp and the National Party. The Polish government-in-exile of London has suffered a sharp crisis as a result of the withdrawal of the PPS, and the resignation of General Bor-Komorowski.
The new government headed by Tomaszewski is altogether lacking ininfluence and authority, and is supported only by a military-bureaucratic camarilla in emigre circles. Tomaszewski, a member of the PPS, has been expelled from his party for accepting this post.
Even the National-Democratic Party itself, seeing how bad the situation is, refused all responsibility, and officially left the government. Now all the leaders of the emigration, in imitation of Mikolajczyk, are making, tours of the United States where there are about 6,000,000 Polish-Americans, in order to gather funds and to offer their services to Washington. Some dream of a new national resistance against Russia, with a new Polish army, a new government, etc.
But in Poland itself, in spite of the hatred for Russia, there is a tremendous distrust of the Anglo-Americans. The Polish people hate Stalin and the yoke of imperialist Russia, but have no desire to ruin the country for the benefit of the American capitalists.
Consequently, all the offers being made by the Polish politicians, all the bartering of Polish blood in the capitalist markets of New York, and all the plans of anti-Russian resistance seem very premature.
June 1949.
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