The document of which we are now presenting a shortened translation, was originally published in Montreal two years ago by Mobilisation, a militant political magazine. It was an attempt to analyse the history of a certain political tendency, evaluating the errors which had been committed and the lessons which could be drawn from political work done up to that time. It included discussion on the political and economic situation in Quebec, the level of consciousness of the working class and the state of its organisations, and the tasks of progressive militants within the framework of the building of a political organisation of the working class.
This document was recently re-issued in a modified form by Mobilisation, including a new introduction outlining criticisms of the original text, and an afterword analysing the major tendencies in the socialist movement in Montreal today and the tasks presently facing revolutionaries. The translation we have done consists of a shortened version of the original, followed by excerpts from the new introduction and an adaptation of the new afterword.
The original text is largely a history of the realization by a certain sector of petty bourgeois progressive intellectuals of the importance of basing their political work on close organic links with the masses of workers. Progressive intellectuals had at various times adopted a wide range of tactics: the creation of broad-based, social-democratic organisations; mass agitation and propaganda (e.g. organization of mass demonstrations); terrorism (FLQ), etc. Gradually it became apparent in practice that these kinds of activity could not bring about a revolutionary change in society: certain types of action, such as government-funded community groups, were unable to go beyond the limited framework of immediate demands and often became purely reformist; while others, such as “ultra-leftist” terrorist activities, were completely cut off from the masses. Many who saw the futility of these types of political work began to work directly within factories, communities and schools to help create organisations which were genuinely rooted in the masses.
However, as the afterword states, this new orientation was an important step but not sufficient. While the present worsening economic situation provides fertile ground for the growth of mass struggle, a substantial part of the socialist movement considers that the mass organizations cannot themselves bring about the overthrow of capitalism and imperialism. Because of a lack of long-term strategy, an economist, or reformist, deviation developed within organizational practice over the past few years. Almost total emphasis was placed on the struggle for immediate economic demands, while the question of political struggle was incorrectly understood and in practice overlooked. The role of struggles on the economic level was not placed in its proper perspective: that of raising the level of consciousness, militancy and organization of the working class. It was believed that these struggles would somehow, later, spontaneously transform themselves into the political struggle to overthrow capitalism and imperialism. But in the light of the examination of errors committed in practice, and of the history of the workers’ struggles internationally, many militants have come to the conclusion that only a revolutionary Marxist-Leninist party, made up of the most conscious, organized sector of the working class, the sector most able to assume leadership and to develop correct tactics and strategy, can guide and direct workers’ struggles to revolutionary change. Economic struggles in themselves can be co-opted by the bourgeoisie through reform and compromise; only a clear political strategy guiding all forms of struggles can lead to revolution.
In order to achieve this goal, three main tasks are seen as priorities for revolutionaries. The first is to continue the work of forming and consolidating links to the working class. Already lessons have been drawn from organizational work in factories, communities and schools (lessons which we intend to discuss in future issues of Solidaire.[1] Another task recognized as essential is the linking up of Marxist-Leninist theory to practice, so that the deviations of the past, economist and others, may be understood and overcome, and a correct orientation established on a tactical as well as a strategic level. We must also work toward the unity of all Marxist-Leninists, so that, through debate and common practice, we may overcome the divergences which presently exist among revolutionaries and which, if allowed to continue, will prevent the building of the revolutionary party.
These political positions are largely shared by Solidaire and constitute the framework within which we situate our work. For, over the past few years, Solidaire has broken out of its isolation as a group of English-speaking students. The group was formed in the months following the October crisis of 1970 around a desire to provide information on Quebec for progressive people outside. We had very few contacts with other groups; we defined our aims and functions in isolation and determined the content of the magazine according to our own criteria of what was useful or interesting.
Closer contacts gradually developed with a range of groups. At first irregular and informal, these contacts slowly developed into formal collaboration and the integration of the tasks of debate and exchange with progressive groups outside of Quebec with the tasks of revolutionaries here in Quebec. This is partly due to the fact that individuals have assumed political tasks within the movement; but it is mainly due to the fact that the sector of the movement with which we are in agreement is now able to recognize the importance of creating links and debating with militants outside Quebec and to direct this task as it directs any other facet of political work.
The development of strong links among revolutionaries throughout North America is of primary importance if we are to defeat our common enemy, US imperialism, and as well, in Canada and Quebec, the Canadian bourgeoisie and its state structure. We see the role of Solidaire at the present time as being one of encouraging investigation, exchange, debate and support, primarily among socialist militants politically active in the working class. We must make investigations in order to keep informed of what is happening elsewhere, with whom it is possible to make contacts and to collaborate. We will attempt to encourage exchange on lessons learned and errors made in various types of practice, and debate on these lessons and errors in order to further the development of a just political line. We recognize that political situations are at uneven levels of development in different areas, and that sometimes clear political lessons are difficult to draw. But we believe it is necessary to try to advance as much as possible on the lessons we do have through the application of Marxist-Leninist theory to our practices. Lastly, we should develop our links in such a way as to be able to provide political support when needed.
Thus we see the importance of the document “Beginnings of a Socialist Movement in Montreal,” not only in the historical perspective it provides on the work of progressive militants in Montreal, and its discussion of the present state of debates among revolutionary groups, but also in the possibility that it will shed light on the practices of militants everywhere. We will welcome all reactions, debate and questions.
– Solidaire
[1] We expect that much of the content of future issues will consist of summing-up of concrete organizational experiences, aimed at drawing the lessons and errors from each specific situation, in order to clarify organizational tactics and overall political strategy. These summings-up will be taken from work done in a wide range of sectors: factories, schools, communities, the public, or service sector. Tentatively planned are articles on hospitals, and on an organizational experience in a large Montreal factory.