THE characteristics of capitalism at the end of the 19th and the beginning of this century were: The capitalists created great combinations for the more efficient exploitation of the workers—trusts, syndicates, cartels, etc. Not only this, these great capitalist combinations did not confine themselves to one country, but reached out into other countries. This forced the workers to see the necessity of establishing contact with the workers of other countries for protection against capitalist aggression.
The political parties of the workers had already set up an international organization in the shape of the International Socialist Congress since 1889. But it was not until 1902 that any kind of trade union international center was organized by the establishment of the International Secretariat of Trade Unions.
This International Secretariat of Trade Unions held conferences at the same time as those of the International Socialist Congress. It was no real international center in the sense that it worked to establish unity of action between the trade union movements of the various countries. It was merely a bureau for the exchange of information on wages, prices, etc. At the conferences labor leaders came together for a “dress parade,” and between conferences nothing was heard of the “International.” This international was merely set up to appease the desire of the trade union membership for international unity, but was never intended to function as an international center for common action against the capitalists.
Besides this, there existed internationals of the various industries and trades, such as the Miners’ International, the Textile Workers’ International, and so on. To these were affiliated the unions of these industries in some countries. Here again these “internationals” functioned as “international post offices.” No attempt was made to really prevent international scabbing by the unions of the various countries.
It remained for the outbreak of war in 1914 to expose the utter fraud of these “internationals.” When Europe plunged into war the trade union movement split into sections according to the countries they were organized in. The trade unions of Germany and Austria-Hungary supported “their” warlords in the name of “defense of fatherland.” The unions of Great Britain, France and Belgium rallied to the support of “their” imperialist bandits under the slogan of “crushing militarism,” and “defending democracy.” The “international” automatically collapsed as the trade union movements lined up to cut each other’s throats in the interests of “their” capitalists. The trade union leaders became the best recruiting agents for the ruling classes. They abandoned all pretense of safeguarding the workers’ interests. They urged the workers to sacrifice everything for victory over the “enemy.”
In Great Britain the trade union leaders signed an agreement with the government in 1915 surrendering all trade union conditions, gained after 50 years of struggle, and solemnly agreed not to strike for the duration of the war. In Germany “civil peace” was declared between capital and labor for the sake of the “national interests,” i.e., the interests of the imperialist capitalists and war lords. The workers were firmly tied to the chariot wheels of capitalist imperialism by the very men who were supposed to lead them against the entire capitalist system.
In 1917 the trade unions of the “neutral” countries made an attempt to call a conference of the trade unions. The trade unionists of the Allied countries refused to “meet the enemy” at any such conference since the war was still on and they were dedicated to the cause of Allied victory. It was not until after the war that a trade union conference was held in Berne, Switzerland, in February, 1919. The only question discussed at this conference was: Who was guilty of starting the war? The Allied trade union leaders tried to force the German labor leaders to confess their “guilt.” All that came of the conference was the decision to hold another conference in July, 1919, at Amsterdam, Holland.
The Amsterdam conference established the International Federation of Trade Unions. But it was organized under the hegemony of the trade union leaders who supported the Allies in the war. Again the question of “war guilt” was raised, and the Allied trade unionists presented the ultimatum to the German and Austrian trade union leaders that they must admit the “war guilt” of “their” countries or they would be excluded from the international. Finally Sassenbach, in the name of the German delegation, diplomatically gave in to the Allied trade union leaders.
In this matter the Allied trade union leaders were following the same course as “their” diplomats pursued toward the German representatives at the Paris peace conference. The International Federation of Trade Unions was, and still is, the labor wing of the Allied imperialists.
These imperialist lackeys formed the I. F. T. U. simply because the workers were demanding the organization of the trade union forces to prevent a repetition of the horrors they had gone thru in 1914-18. During the war millions of workers had flocked to the unions in revolt against their terrible conditions. In Russia the workers had conquered czarism, defeated the capitalists, established their own government, and converted the land and machinery of production into the property of the workers and farmers. The German masses had smashed the kaiser’s throne and set up workers’ councils and had been betrayed by the social-democratic leaders. In Bavaria and Hungary, Soviet republics had been established. The masses were straining at the leash—but the trade union “leaders” only saw one task: To aid their diplomats to draw up a peace pact at the expense of the masses. Such hideous treachery has never before been witnessed as displayed at the foundation of the International Federation of Trade Unions.
As it was at its birth so the Amsterdam International has lived—an organization dominated by the agents of the captalists in the labor movement. It is tied to the League of Nations thru the International Labor Office established by the league. It has supported the reparation policy of the Allies. A few days before France invaded the Ruhr in 1923 Amsterdam held an international conference to “abolish” all war, but refused to call a one-day strike as a demonstration against the invasion as proposed by the Red International of Labor Unions. Instead the conference decided “on principle” to call a general strike in the event of war, and to fight war by means of moving picture propaganda.
The capitalist offensive on the workers’ standard of living after the war was not opposed by Amsterdam. The British trade unions are the basis of the Amsterdam International, yet in Britain in 1921, wage cuts affected 7,000,000 workers who lost by these cuts £5,000,000 per week. Again in 1922 the British workers lost £6,000,000 per week by wage reductions. Amsterdam never even worries about this savage reduction in the workers’ standard of living.
The British miners’ strike at the beginning of 1921 received no aid from Amsterdam. As a matter of fact the Triple Alliance of miners, railwaymen and transport workers was betrayed by such leading lights of Amsterdam as Thomas, Hodges and Williams. Again in 1922 the British metal workers were forced into a wage struggle and were defeated because they received no aid either from Amsterdam or even the other unions in Britain. When the American miners were on strike in 1922 coal was shipped in from Europe and Amsterdam did not raise a finger to stop it.
Thus the Amsterdam International is dominated by national interests over working class interests—it serves the bosses and not the workers. Not only does it shun international unity, but it holds fast to craft unionism and by upholding sectionalism among the workers, aids the bosses to defeat them. Today the Amsterdam leaders are the spearhead of the capitalist offensive against the movement for international trade union unity. The Amsterdam International has never acted as the defender of the interests of the workers, and does not lead the workers in an international struggle against the capitalists.
Next: Chapter II. The Red International of Labor Unions